Every
child in India should have a fundamental right to basic education. With this laudable
aim the 86th Amendment of the Constitution was introduced by adding
Section A to Article 21 in our Constitution in 2002 during the NDA regime. The idea
was mooted originally by Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi, the NDA HRD Minister.
Although
the Amendment was introduced in 2002 the NDA government went down subsequently
and it took almost 5 years for the UPA government to bring a legislation in
line with Art 21 A and make the right of children to free and compulsory
education a reality. Thus in 2009 came the new act - “Right of Children to Free
and Compulsory Education Act – 2009” (RTE Act in brief).
It
is a known fact in our country that there is a huge disparity when it comes to
educational opportunities for the children of the poor, the middle class and
the rich. While the rich and even the middle class have ample options to choose
in the form of public schools, residential schools, convents etc the children
of the poor and low-income families have little choice in the education of
their child. The dysfunctional government school system or some charities are
their only refuge.
Over
the decades very little success has been achieved in improving our
government-sponsored school system. Conditions in government schools remain
pathetic despite grandiose plans and infusion of huge funds. While the world of
basic education, along with that of secondary and higher education, is
undergoing tremendous transformation with newer methods and tools being
introduced the government schools lack even the basic amenities like good teachers,
electricity, buildings etc. Teaching tools like computers are a distant dream.
No
wonder the literacy rates in our country remains hovering around 73-74% even
according to the 2011 census figures. 26% illiterates means there are almost
300 million illiterates in our country. That makes India the land of world’s
largest illiterate population.
In
that context RTE Act is a commendable initiative. It is also commendable that
the Act envisaged a role for private educational institutions also in
delivering this social responsibility of making every Indian child literate.
Under the Act all educational institutions providing primary education – public
and private, aided and unaided alike - have been obligated to reserve 25% seats
for the children of the poor and underprivileged. And every child in the age
group of 6 to 14 is extended a right to free primary education.
No
doubt there will certain difficulties with regard to implementation of this
noble scheme. I am reminded of a scheme introduced in Andhra Pradesh in the 80s
by the then Chief Minister Mr. N.T. Rama Rao. Under that scheme all hotels in
the state have been ordered to sell eatables at the rates prescribed by the
government. The idea was to make food available for poor people at affordable
prices. Price and quantity of each item was prescribed by the government – a
couple of idlis with given weight should be sold for Rs. 2. Initially everybody
was happy about the affordability. But soon the hoteliers came up with a novel
scheme. They announced two sets of menus in the same hotel - one for the
government products and the other for the normal products. In a way it led to a
class division in the same hotel.
The
new education scheme too is fraught with such implementation related hiccups.
If the children of the poor and the rich go to same school how will they
mingle? Will it end class divisions in our society at the child level or it
will lead to introduction of class divisions in classrooms itself? Right from
the uniform they wear to food they carry to stationary they use how would the children
of the poor and the rich mingle with each other well is a question to be
addressed when the time comes. In any case every effort for social
transformation is fraught with some such minor hiccups and I am sure that
sooner than later the situation will change and we would be able to create a
more egalitarian atmosphere in the society by imparting those values at the
primary education level itself.
But
no one can deny that the private educational institutions too have a
responsibility in educating the poor of the country. It is unfortunate that
these institutions, for various reasons, decided to oppose the RTE Act. Not all
wanted to shirk their social responsibility; many have other concerns like
government’s unwarranted interference in their functioning through this Act
etc.
It
is heartening that the Supreme Court through a 3-Judge Constitutional Bench
upheld the RTE Act and mandated that all the institutions – public and private,
aided and unaided alike – must provide 25% seats for the children of the SC
& ST and other underprivileged sections of the society. The Court also
mandated that the RTE Act should come into being in this academic year itself.
That means the state governments have to urgently frame the rules for the
implementation of this Act.
However
the SC judgment disappoints on one count. While the Central Government wanted
all educational institutions to share this responsibility of educating our
children the Supreme Court exempts the unaided Minority institutions from that
social obligation. One of the three learned judges held that all the private
institutions must be excluded from the RTE Act purview. However the majority of
the Bench differed and said that only the unaided Minority institutions will be
excluded and they need not provide 25% for poor children. The learned judges
arrived at that conclusion on a very technical and hence contestable ground
that such a provision will change the ‘basic character’ of the institution. The
Supreme Court is expected to go beyond technicalities take the spirit of the
Constitution into account.
Even
this premise that the ‘basic character’ of the minority institutions will
change if they implement the RTE Act is debatable because the character of the
minority institution is derived from the management – which according to law
should have majority members from minority community – and not from the
children who study there. In fact a large number of minority institutions have
students from non-minority communities in majority.
The
learned judges of the Supreme Court have fallen back on the usual argument that
Art 29 and 30 of our Constitution provide certain immunity to minority
institutions. Art 29 and 30 have been incorporated in our Constitution as
‘educational and cultural rights of the minorities’. And the RTE Act also wants
to uphold the right of children to education. Then how can it be pitted against
those articles? At the most the Court should have said that the unaided
minority institutions should provide 25% seats to the poor and underprivileged
among the minorities. To exempt them from this social responsibility completely
under the garb of Art 29 & 30 is an incorrect decision that needs to be
challenged at an appropriate forum.
This
also brings up the insensitivity and irresponsibility of the minority
institutions to the fore. They vociferously opposed the RTE Act in the Supreme
Court and unlike the other private institutions, succeeded in convincing the
Court to exclude them. It doesn’t need great wisdom to state that the minority
communities in India have a good number of poor and underprivileged people as
members. In fact on many occasions the minority community leaders argue before
the same Supreme Court for various rights like SC reservations etc in the name
of the poor among their flock. It shows their utter disregard for the poor in
their communities that when it comes to providing free education to the
children of their own poor they shrug off their responsibility. It shows the
minority leadership in true colours. For them only the numbers matter but not
the social conditions within their community.
It
is a sad commentary that the Supreme Court lets them off the hook when it comes
to providing basic education to the poor and underprivileged children of their
communities. It is well-known that many of the most expensive schools in our
country are minority-run schools. It is also well-known that they provide
education not to the pupils of their community but those of the rich families
of the majority who can afford the astronomical fee.
The
SC order states that they can happily continue to do so while the
responsibility of the poor and underprivileged among the minority community
will be borne by the schools run by the non-minority. They should do that
without any prejudice because that is the ethos of the country. But let the
poor and underprivileged among the minorities understand that when it comes to
uplifting them the so-called minority leaders show no sympathy or sense of
responsibility. At least that is one of the major meanings of the SC order on
the RTE Act.
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